In
2020, while the UK was engulfed with the Covid pandemic, the NHS in Scotland
was stretched to breaking point and people were dying, often alone, a working
group of NHS staff was established in early 2020. Their purpose ? To
develop a new badge for staff. The 'Pride Badge'.
During
2020 and into 2021, as the pandemic raged, it seems work on developing and
planning the ‘Pride Badge’ project was considered so important that NHS staff
time could be diverted away from the NHS response to the pandemic. The then Cabinet Secretary for Health, Humza
Yousaf, formally approved development and
promotion of the ‘Pride Badge’ project. Fortunately
for us this record of his approval was not deleted from his WhatsApp messages.
The
’Pride Badge’ was formally launched in June 2021. The real purpose, the measurable impact, of
the ‘Pride Badge’, was never made clear by Scottish government, and no SMART goals were set for
it. It was only later, in 2022, when
government surveyed ‘Pride Badge’ wearers, that a sense of what was being
reached for was revealed in a question:
Do you think the NHS Scotland Pride Badge
initiative has helped to reduce instances of homophobia, biphobia, transphobia
in the NHS Scotland?
Quite
why the work on the project development during 2020-2021 did not include
establishing a baseline of current levels of homophobia etc. in the NHS
Scotland against which progress [or lack of progress] could be measured is
never explained. It is as if success or
failure of the ‘Pride Badge’ project was not even entertained as a concept.
The
Equality & Human Rights Commission [EHRC] has long made it clear that all
activities of public bodies should be subject to an equality impact
assessment [EQIA],
stressing that any EQIA must be done before implementing projects and equally
stressing that the EQIA cannot be retrospective. In essence the EQIA approach helps public
bodies to check that even if they think what they plan to do will be positive,
that it is thoroughly checked against bringing in any adverse or negative
impact on people with other protected characteristics.
Scottish
government said the pressures of the pandemic meant they had no time to do an
EQIA but that they “are currently looking
into preparing an EQIA for that initiative retrospectively”. Even though the EHRC guidance says that a
retrospective EQIA is not permitted. It
is as if government thinks the ‘Pride Badge’ project is somehow exempt from all
constraints, good practice or legal duties.
The
22 Scottish Health Boards who all opted-in to the ‘Pride Badge’ project all
confirmed they too had not conducted an EQIA of what they rolled out in their
workplaces and services. Some of them
believed government had carried one out. Most of them offered the excuse for not doing
an EQIA that it was a ‘national initiative’.
The reality is that each Health Board is legally responsible for what
happens in their workforce and their services, no matter who sets policy or
strategy at national level. By not doing
an EQIA, all Scotland’s Health Boards failed their workforce and failed their
service users.
When
asked if anyone had evaluated what the Health Boards had rolled out in their
workplaces and services, again not one of the 22 Health Boards had done this,
claiming again that government had evaluated the ‘Pride Badge’ project. In 2022 government carried out a survey of 1,489 self-selecting
‘Pride Badge’ wearing employees [out of a workforce of 171,726]. No health service users from across the
spectrum of sexual orientations were involved and asked for their experiences
during the project. No ‘gender critical’ employees were asked for their views
and no employees who were not badge wearers were asked for their experiences
and perceptions during the project. In other words the survey did not gather
views which reflected a 360 degree examination of the project, instead looking
through the eyes only of those who shared the beliefs inherent in the ‘Pride
Badge’ project.
Given
the very poor design and delivery of the ‘Pride Badge’ project to date, it
comes as no surprise that when asked ‘Do you think the NHS Scotland Pride Badge
initiative has helped to reduce instances of homophobia/biphobia/transphobia in
the NHS Scotland?’, the 1,489 employees said:
Yes – 18%; No – 25%; Unsure – 57%
It
is as if the ‘Pride Badge’ project was set up, developed and delivered with
failure as the primary outcome.
In
yet another illustration of the omnishambles that passes for project
development, planning, delivery and evaluation in NHS Scotland, all Health
Boards and government were asked what mitigations had been built into the
project to take account of the views and beliefs of people who hold ‘gender
critical’ beliefs, that sex is immutable and not to be conflated with gender
identity ? Every Health Board and
government advised that no mitigations had been built in and that they were not
necessary. And yet, at the time [June
2021] the ‘Pride Badge’ project was being launched the Employment Appeal
Tribunal [EAT] Forstater case was decided, where
the EAT considered her belief that sex is immutable and not to be conflated
with gender identity. Yet there is no evidence that Scottish
government in the detailed design of the ‘Pride Badge’ project, or in the
project guidance issued to Boards, took account of the case or the
judgment. Likewise there is no evidence offered by NHS Boards that the
‘Pride Badge’ project, as rolled out in their Board, took account of the
judgment.
It
is highly unlikely that Scottish government and NHS Scotland senior staff,
including Equality managers, were unaware of the Forstater case [which evolved
between 2018-21] as they developed the ‘Pride Badge’ project. The only reasonable conclusion is that the
implications of Forstater
for the design of the ‘Pride Badge’ project and its impact on people who hold
‘gender critical’ views were
deliberately ignored or overlooked. Inevitably,
the flawed ‘Pride Badge’ project can be seen as an emblem not of unity but of division
in and across the NHS workforce.
The
'Pride Badge' continues to run in NHS Scotland, with no end-date to the project. Government has advised that there is no
formal end date planned for the project but that monitoring of its impact
concluded with the evaluation survey. In other words a project which
government's own ‘evaluation’ found was ineffective continues to run across the
NHS in Scotland and no further monitoring for its effectiveness [or failure and
even adverse impact] will take place.
If
the ‘Pride Badge’ project is typical of how the NHS in Scotland goes about
designing, planning and delivering projects generally, then it can no real
surprise as to why the NHS is seriously underperforming and why no extra
funding appears to generate the urgently required improvements.
The
full research report into the 'Pride Badge' project can be read here.
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